How Donald Trump Secured a Major Step in Gaza Yet Faces Challenges With Putin Over Ukraine

Trump and Putin's planned talks on the near four-year war in Ukraine have been put on hold
Donald Trump and Putin's planned talks on the almost lengthy conflict in the region have been postponed indefinitely.

Reports of an impending American-Russian presidential meeting have been overstated, apparently.

Only a few days after Donald Trump announced he planned to confer with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Budapest - "within two weeks or so" - the summit has been suspended indefinitely.

A initial get-together by the two nations' top diplomats has been called off, too.

"I don't want to have a fruitless discussion," President Trump informed reporters at the White House on Tuesday afternoon. "I don't want a waste of time, so I'll see what happens."
  • Donald Trump says he wished to avoid a 'wasted meeting' after arrangement for Putin talks postponed
  • Disappointment in Ukraine's capital as Zelensky departs White House without results

The frequently changing meeting is another twist in Trump's efforts to broker an conclusion to hostilities in Ukraine – a topic of renewed focus for the American leader after he orchestrated a ceasefire and hostage release deal in Gaza.

During a speech in Egypt last week to commemorate that ceasefire agreement, the president turned to his lead diplomatic negotiator, with a new request.

"We have to get the Russian situation done," he said.

Nonetheless, the circumstances that converged to make a Gaza breakthrough achievable for Witkoff and his team may be difficult to replicate in a Ukraine war that has been ongoing for nearing several years.

Less Leverage

Per the lead negotiator, the crucial element to unlocking a deal was the Israeli government's move to attack Hamas negotiators in Qatar. It was a action that angered US partners in the Arab world but provided Trump bargaining power to pressure Israel's leader Benjamin Netanyahu into reaching an agreement.

Trump gained from a history of siding with the Israeli state dating back to his initial presidency, encompassing his decision to relocate the US embassy to the contested city, to alter America's position on the lawfulness of Israeli settlements in the West Bank and, more recently, his support for Israeli defense operations against Iran.

The US president, actually, is more popular among the Israeli public than Netanyahu – a situation that gave him unique influence over the Israeli leader.

Combine the president's connections in politics and business to influential Arab nations in the region, and he had a wealth of diplomatic muscle to secure an deal.

In the Ukraine war, by contrast, Trump has significantly reduced influence. In recent months, he has vacillated between attempts to pressure Putin and then Zelensky, all with little seeming effect.

Trump has threatened to enact new sanctions on Russian energy exports and to provide Ukraine with advanced missile systems. But he has also recognised that doing so could harm the global economy and intensify the war.

At the same time, the US leader has publicly berated Zelensky, halting briefly information exchange with the country and suspending arms shipments to the nation - then to retreat in the wake of worried European partners who warn a defeat of Ukraine could disrupt the entire region.

The president loves to tout his ability to sit down and hammer out agreements, but his face-to-face meetings with the Russian and Ukrainian leaders have not appeared to move the hostilities any nearer a peaceful end.

Trump and Putin's meeting in August yielded no concrete results
Trump and Putin's summit in August produced no concrete results.

Putin may actually be using the US leader's wish for a deal – and belief in in-person deal-making - as a means of manipulating him.

In July, Russia's leader agreed to a summit in the US state at the time when it appeared likely that Trump would sign off on congressional sanctions package backed by Senate Republicans. That bill was afterwards put on hold.

Recently, as reports spread that the US administration was considering seriously shipping Tomahawk cruise missiles and air defense systems to Ukraine, the president of Russia phoned Trump who then touted the possible meeting in Budapest.

The next day, Trump welcomed Ukraine's leader at the White House, but departed empty-handed after a allegedly strained discussion.

Trump maintained that he was not being played by the Russian president.

"You know, I've been played all my life by the best of them, and I emerged successfully," he remarked.
Sequence of events in Ukraine diplomacy

However the president of Ukraine subsequently made note of the timeline of developments.

"Once the matter of advanced weaponry became a less accessible for Ukraine – for our nation – Russia almost automatically became less engaged in diplomacy," he said.

Thus, in a short period, Trump has bounced from considering the idea of sending missiles to the Eastern European country to planning a Budapest summit with Russia's leader and confidentially urging Zelensky to surrender the entire Donbas region – including territory Russia has been failed to capture.

He has ultimately decided on calling for a truce along present frontlines – a proposal Russia has refused to accept.

On the campaign trail previously, Trump promised that he could end the Ukraine war in a matter of hours. He has since discarded that commitment, saying that concluding the war is proving more difficult than he expected.

It has been a uncommon admission of the limits of his authority – and the difficulty of finding a peace plan when neither side desires, or is able to, cease hostilities.

Brian Jones
Brian Jones

Lena Hofmann ist eine preisgekrönte Journalistin mit über zehn Jahren Erfahrung in der politischen Berichterstattung und investigativen Recherche.